Locust Plague of 1874

The Onset and Scale of the Swarm

The plague began in the hot, dry conditions of late July and August 1874, which provided ideal breeding conditions for the Rocky Mountain locust. Eyewitnesses described the arrival of the swarm as a sudden darkening of the sky, with a haze deepening into a massive grey cloud that resolved itself into billions of insects. The swarm was so immense that it blocked out the sun for up to six hours, with residents comparing the descending locusts to a snowstorm of enormous flakes. The sound of their wings filled the air with a roaring, thunderous noise akin to a rushing storm. The United States Entomological Commission later calculated the affected area as equal to the combined size of eleven northeastern American states, a swath covering the Dakota, Montana, Wyoming, and Colorado territories, as well as multiple states and parts of Canada.

The infestation extended north into the Northwest Territories and Manitoba. Contemporary observers noted that a range of coniferous timber may have acted as a natural barrier, preventing the locusts from moving further into some parts of what is now Saskatchewan. The sheer scale was unprecedented, with estimates of the number of individual locusts ranging from 120 billion to several trillion. The swarm's behaviour was typical of locust plagues, where a population boom follows a period of drought and then abundant vegetation, triggering the insects' migratory and gregarious phase. This specific invasion coincided with a record drought in the Midwest and Great Plains, which induced the grasshoppers not only to thrive but to swarm in unimaginable numbers.

Unprecedented Devastation and Damage

The locusts caused destruction far beyond typical crop loss. Upon alighting, they covered the ground like a heavy, crawling carpet, sometimes piling over a foot high. Their voracious appetite led them to consume not only every available crop but also tree leaves, grass, and the wool off living sheep. There were widespread reports of the insects eating harnesses on horses, the paint from wagons, and even wooden tool handles like pitchforks. In some instances, locusts invaded farmers' homes, eating stored food and damaging carpets and clothing. The swarm reportedly ate for several days from fields and trees before moving on, leaving behind a scene of utter desolation.

The aftermath of the swarm created secondary environmental hazards. Ponds and streams became polluted by piles of locust excrement and carcasses, which could contaminate water supplies. The infestation was so dense that it impeded railway travel, as train tracks became slick with crushed grasshopper remains, causing locomotives to lose traction, a phenomenon documented in the book It Happened in Nebraska. A Kansas pioneer described the swarm as a great, white glistening cloud that looked like a cloud of white vapour, while Nebraska historian Addison E. Sheldon documented the scene as a grey cloud of billions sweeping down to cover the earth wherever the eye could see. The damage occurred in the context of a record drought, compounding the agricultural disaster and making recovery nearly impossible for many settlers who had invested everything in their first crops.

Failed Control Efforts and Public Perception

Farmers and settlers attempted numerous, largely futile, methods to combat the plague. They tried to burn the locusts, but in one documented case the mass of insects was so thick it smothered the flames. Other tactics included using gunpowder explosions, covering fields with sheets, and smoking the grasshoppers away from crops into ditches filled with water or oil to drown them. A device called a hopperdozer, a scraper coated with coal tar and pulled by horses, was employed in some areas. Dragged against the wind, it was designed to catch young locusts, but it was only effective on flat fields and could not stem the tide of the invasion. These desperate measures highlighted the settlers' helplessness against the natural force.

Public perception of the locusts was one of terror and revulsion. Due to the pollution they caused, many farmers erroneously believed the grasshoppers were poisonous and thus inedible. Missouri's state entomologist, Charles Valentine Riley, who documented the swarm extensively, advocated for people to consider the locusts as a food source, noting their use in other cultures. It remains unknown how many people followed this advice, as the general attitude was one of disgust. The prevalent social attitude of the era also shaped the disaster response, with a strong belief that only the "deserving poor", those whose poverty was not due to idleness or immorality, should receive assistance, a perspective shared by many proud farmers themselves who sometimes refused help except as loans.

Grassroots and State-Level Relief Initiatives

Initial relief was organized privately and at the state level, as local officials feared farmers would abandon their lands and halt western settlement. In September 1874, the Nebraska Relief and Aid Association was formed to collect money, provisions, clothing, fuel, and seeds from private donors. Similarly, the Kansas Central Relief Committee was established, and by the ensuing winter it had received 124 carloads of donations, with railroads carrying supplies for free. In Minnesota, local and state governments encouraged charitable donations but focused more on eradication than direct relief. This mirrored the prevailing attitude that public assistance was for public uses, and supporting farmers was not clearly seen as one.

Farmers in unaffected areas donated supplies like barley and corn to their neighbours in Kansas. By January 1875, Nebraska Governor Robert W. Furnas reported receiving over $68,000 in cash and in-kind donations. However, the scale of need soon overwhelmed private charity. Letters poured in to officials like Minnesota Governor Cushman Davis, with one elderly farmer writing that grasshoppers had destroyed his crops and "we can see nothing but starvation in the future if relief does not come in time." A Cottonwood county commissioner reported having many families on the verge of starvation, forcing a reconsideration of government's role.

State governments eventually intervened directly. In January 1875, Governor Furnas recommended and the Nebraska legislature approved issuing $50,000 in state bonds to purchase seed for victims. In Kansas, Governor Thomas A. Osborn convinced the legislature to approve $73,000 in aid bonds. In both states, farmers had to prove they were destitute and had nothing left to sell to qualify for this assistance. This requirement reflected the continued emphasis on helping only the "deserving" poor, even as the crisis deepened.

Federal Government Response and Lasting Implications

The federal government's response began cautiously. In November 1874, President Ulysses S. Grant issued an executive order authorizing the distribution of surplus and condemned army clothing in Kansas and Nebraska. Reports from the field soon indicated this was insufficient. An Army major inspecting southwestern Nebraska wrote to General Edward O. C. Ord, commander of the Department of the Platte, stating, "The destitution existing here is much greater than I expected. Relief must be given these people or hundreds will starve before the winter is half over." In December 1874, Kansas Agricultural Secretary Alfred Gray reported to Governor Osborn that up to 70 percent of the population was impoverished in the worst-hit counties.

In 1875, the federal government took further action, easing homestead residency requirements so farmers could leave to seek work without losing their claims. Congress also supplied $30,000 in seeds to the afflicted area. These measures, alongside the distribution of army food and clothing, constituted one of the first major federal emergency aid efforts for western farmers. Historian Sam S. Kepfield noted that using public treasury funds for disaster relief was almost unheard of at the time, as public funds were for public uses only. The government's official report in 1876 stated, "The Rocky Mountain Locust is the most serious impediment to the settlement of the West."

The plague's impact led to significant institutional change. The federal response included the creation of the United States Entomological Commission, consisting of the top entomologists of the day, including Charles Valentine Riley, to study and prevent future locust plagues. Riley wrote in his 1877 book The Locust Plague in the United States that the aid efforts had averted widespread death and famine. Author Steven R. Kinsella argues the grasshopper plagues of the 1870s started a relationship between agricultural producers and the government that continues to this day, establishing a precedent for federal support in agricultural disasters.

Subsequent Years and Path to Extinction

The locust threat did not end in 1874. An even larger plague of an estimated 3.5 trillion grasshoppers occurred in June 1875, and infestations continued for several years. However, the population of Rocky Mountain locusts entered a steady and irreversible decline after the 1874 event. Farmers inadvertently helped control future outbreaks by plowing their fields each spring, which turned up and destroyed millions of grasshopper eggs in the process. An early frost in the spring of 1875 also helped combat new infestations by killing young locusts.

Within a few decades, the species that had once blackened the sky was theorized to have become extinct by the early 1900s. The development and cultivation of the West, which altered its breeding grounds in river valleys, is considered the primary explanation for its sudden disappearance. The 1874 swarm thus represents the last great manifestation of a species whose lifecycle was ultimately incompatible with the agricultural settlement it so dramatically afflicted. Its extinction remains a subject of scientific interest, marking the end of a major natural force on the plains.

Cultural Legacy and Historical Significance

The Locust Plague of 1874 left a deep imprint on the cultural memory of the Great Plains. It was vividly documented in contemporary newspapers, with articles comparing its devastation to the Great Chicago Fire of 1871, an event that had previously received substantial national relief. This comparison was used by aid organizations to justify assisting grasshopper victims. One article in The Donaldsonville Chief noted that men who woke up rich, ready to harvest their crops, were going to bed beggars, capturing the economic catastrophe.

The disaster featured prominently in later literary works that shaped the understanding of pioneer life. American author Laura Ingalls Wilder wrote about the locust devastation of her family's Minnesota farm in her children's book On the Banks of Plum Creek. Norwegian-American author Ole Edvart Rølvaag also described the plagues in his seminal novel of immigrant life, Giants in the Earth, which was later adapted into an opera of the same name. These accounts transmitted the trauma and scale of the event to future generations.

Historically, the plague is seen as an event that tested the resilience of western settlement and forced a new approach to government responsibility in disaster relief. It occurred during the Long Depression triggered by the Panic of 1873, making financial recovery even more difficult. The collective response, from private charity to state bonds and federal seed distribution, created a blueprint for future aid. The event underscored the profound vulnerability of human enterprise to natural forces and marked the dramatic, final act of a species that once dominated the North American continent.

Questions about Locust Plague of 1874

What areas of Canada were affected by the 1874 Locust Plague?

The locust swarm reached into the Northwest Territories and Manitoba. Contemporary accounts from 1877 suggest that a range of coniferous timber may have acted as a natural barrier, preventing the locusts from moving into some parts of what is now Saskatchewan. The Canadian impact, while part of the larger continental disaster, demonstrated the far-reaching nature of the infestation across the Great Plains ecosystem. The event is a part of the environmental history of the Canadian Prairies during its early settlement period.

How did the locust plague finally end?

The immediate plague subsided after the insects moved on, but significant infestations continued in 1875 and 1876. The population of Rocky Mountain locusts went into a permanent and steep decline after 1874. Farmers combating future outbreaks plowed their fields in spring, destroying millions of eggs in the soil. An early frost in the spring of 1875 also helped kill young locusts. The species is believed to have become extinct by the early 1900s, likely due to profound changes in its breeding habitat caused by agricultural development and irrigation across the western river valleys.

What was the total financial cost of the damage?

Crop damage from the 1874 plague was estimated at over $200 million, a colossal sum for the time. This financial loss was exacerbated by a concurrent severe drought and the Long Depression that began with the Panic of 1873. The damage extended across an estimated two million square miles, affecting a vast agricultural region and pushing many pioneer families into destitution. Losses from the combined plague and drought were extremely hard to recoup, threatening the economic viability of many new settlements on the frontier.

Did the Canadian government provide relief like the US government did?

The affected Canadian regions were part of the vast Northwest Territories, which were under federal jurisdiction. The primary documentation focuses on the responses from American states and the US federal government, which established new precedents for disaster aid. The experience in Canadian territories would have relied more on local resilience and possibly mutual aid among settlers.

Are there any first-hand accounts from Canadian settlers about the plague?

The notes provided do not include specific first-hand quotes from Canadian settlers, though they confirm the swarm reached Canadian territories. The detailed eyewitness accounts come from American settlers in states like Kansas and Nebraska, such as Lillie Marcks and Mary Lyon. These descriptions, of the sun being blotted out for hours and the land being covered like a crawling carpet, would have been similar to the experience of those in affected parts of Manitoba and the Northwest Territories. Genealogical records sometimes contain references to the plague, indicating its personal impact on families.

Why was the 1874 swarm considered the last great swarm?

The 1874 Locust Plague is considered the last great swarm of the Rocky Mountain locust because it was the final catastrophic infestation of this species. While a massive plague of an estimated 3.5 trillion locusts occurred in June 1875, the overall population entered a sharp and irreversible decline after 1874. Farmers plowing their fields destroyed millions of grasshopper eggs in subsequent springs, and an early frost in spring 1875 helped combat future infestations. The population continued to decline each year, and the species is theorized to have become extinct by the early 1900s, making the 1874 event its last recorded large-scale appearance.

Sources: Wikipedia and current public reporting, checked by the Your Space Hamilton desk. Last updated 2026-10-22.